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to a recent u.n. report, in the two years of conflict syria has lost 35 years of human development progress. with the two million refugees, this is a national crisis that has become a regional crisis putting serious strains on the neighboring countries. behind these jarring statistics is the real toll on the syrian people, the kids who haven't gone to school for two years, the women who have endured rape and abuse and the 5 million internally displaced syrians who don't have a place to live or enough to eat. as the crisis has escalated, we have accelerated our humanitarian response. our assistance is now reaching about 4.2 million people inside syria and we're helping to support 2 million refugees. but the same stubborn challenges that i talked about seven months ago, access, security and resources continue to prevent us and others from reaching everybody who needs help to get it and things continue to escalate. in early october, fueled by the political momentum of the security council's resolution to eliminate the chemical weapons, the u.n. security council unanimously passed a presidentia
referred to the use of chemical weapons in syria as a redline. he used obama's own words. the u.n. secretary general, jeff feldman, the highest ranking american at the united nations in the former assistant secretary for eastern affair and ambassador to lebanon was in iran in august talking to them prior to the u.s.-russia deal as things were being worked out. these things were being discussed. i interviewed foreign minister when he was in new york, and basically the headline was we have a history of use of chemical weapons. we have destroyed chemical weapons. we can help in the process. they sported the process all along. in fact a deputy foreign minister was in moscow when the agreement was announced. an interesting coincidence. them willing to help was in the process. while we're on the subject of syria. one of our writers, jeffrey aaronsohn said something fascinating about syria in a recent article. he said syria is the arena or where the basic prerequisite for progress on the u.s.-iran agenda recognizing core interests and facing mechanisms to safe guard them are being forged
the fbi in 76 offices overseas, including, i had agents assigned at europol, interpol, u.n. headquarters in new york. among discussions was either to eliminate or cut by 50% the fbi's international offices. again, another act of absolute stupidity. i want to go to the hill and argue anybody who raises the issue to tell them how stupid it is, why we need the relationships, why we need representations, and how every day it affects u.s. and health of the u.s. national security. an example of that, a particular u.s. senator i will not name, landed once in a foreign country, greeted by the fbi agent there, and his remark was, well, i guess the fbi's sun never sets on the fbi. the agent was polite and everything, but he could have said, the sun never sets on u.s. interests either, pal. [laughter] thank you. [applause] >> we have a lot of agreements and initiatives that i had to talk about the americas with the americans. i'm concerned about how demanding that it's been used to help been misused, and who -- a lot of money has been lost, and more concerning to me is to see that a lot of people t
network. you may recall the red line said by the israeli prime minister at the u.n. regarding the ability of iran to produce a nuclear weapon. based on the expertise available to your agency, if the iranians were to decide to produce nuclear weapons, how far do you think they are from achieving that goal? if i may have a second shout out >> i do not understand your question. >> do you have any assessment that if iran were to produce a nuclear weapon, how long would it take to do that? second question on the issue of sanction, do you think any easing of the sanctions now would create a more positive atmosphere for negotiations between your agency and iranians? thank you. >> well, these two issues -- unfortunately, these are not my field. how long it will take for them to build a new go question was one of your questions. our function is to how to -- we are not providing [indiscernible] i hope you understand our function. also, regarding the sanctions, we do not have a lot of sanctions. what we do is send the inspectors to the ground. we verify and we share the information with member state
to protect if we have already set a precedent with the u.n. beginning with a 99 these -- .ith the 1990s the nsa and the cyber threat commands with the u.s. army are indistinguishable. what is the potential impact with the right to protect with domestic issues and foreign issues. a classic example would be with the mexican cartels and all instances across the mexican and californian order and with syria. start domestic and go foreign or start for rent and go domestic? foreignhe problems -- and go domestic? one of the problems we had in pakistan was that in questions when we were accused of violating the sovereignty of pakistan to kill osama bin laden, one of the counter arguments made from our side was that pakistan does not control the entire sovereignty of its country. the pakistani army does not ofend its writ to the border afghanistan. that is one of the reasons america has to take other measures. bet i am getting at is careful about the solidity of sovereignty. it is spongy with the countries we are dealing with. second, the idea of how this has changed over the last 18 years. clear
in the executive branch. we can't go out and talk about it. >> i would just add that the u.n. report which came out just a few days before the amnesty report, i think, in timeline hits this point very hard, on transparency. it's quite a nice report. yes, right here. >> hi -- [inaudible] i'm from upi. i was just wondering if terms of you said that some of the attacks might be mistaken, and i was wondering would you advocate for repercussions in those cases? and also there is critique that oversight and transparency would interfere with national security decisions, so if you could comment on that as well. >> sure, two things. first of all, no. i -- this is war, okay? and that's what a lot of people don't understand. you know, in war mistakes are made, okay? all the a time. and as i said up front, you know, civilians suffer in a war zone. hay always do. they always do. and i think part of the problem with some of the arguments on the unmanned vehicles campaign is that we've tried to argue that, well, this is different because they're more discriminating. and all those things are true. it is, it is som
a decade ago when he was japan's ambassador to the u.n. nuclear energy. director amano will start his second term as the head of the iaea after taking the helm in 2009. he has starred the agent -- stamped the agency with his own style. in that spirit, i hope we can have a good session with my questions and with the audience's. first, getting follow up on this meeting which you had with iranian deputy foreign minister and then it was a meeting of the two sides, the atmosphere of the talks, as you said, was better. but the question is, when will we see concrete progress such as a visit to the parchin site? >> yes, we had a meeting with iran on the 28th and 29th of october. this is the second meeting between iran and iaea after mr. rouhani became the president. and the first one took place at the end of september. it was a get to know each other meeting. last meeting was a very positive meeting, and there was some -- it was productive, and there were some positive developments. and important ting that there was a change. -- thing that there was a change. there was a change of tone, yes,
. the american phone records allowed the n.s.a. to determine that a u.s. phone was used to contact an individual associated with this terrorist organization. i'm appreciative that the n.s.a. was able to apprehend this individual, but it does not provide overwhelming evidence that this program is necessary. as senator rod wyden from oregon noted, the n.s.a. could have gotten a court order to get the phone records in question. so, in essence, congress has authorized a program that invades the privacy of millions of americans with little to show for it. the results simply do not justify this massive invasion of our privacy. that is why i want to end bulk collection practices authorized under section 215 of the patriot act and i join senator leahy to introduce a bipartisan, bicameral u.s.a. freedom afnlg . this legislation, among other things, will rein in the dragnet collection of data by the national security agency. it will stop the bulk collection of americans' communications records by ending the authorization provided by section 215 of the patriot act. some in this chamber will argue that this
not only iraq but syria but u.s.ot interests elsewhere n the region. and beyond. draws in iran. it's really. this is organization that grew out of al qaeda in iraq branch of al qaeda and now calls itself variously al qaeda in the levant or al qaeda in iraq and syria. so, by its own moniker it is calling itself something larger than iraq. the goal from the u.s. side is genuinely help maliki. the u.s. agrees that this is a much larger threat than it was even six months ago. and i worthy of more u.s. suppo. the challenge is convincing congress to go along wit because of a very, very long list of complaints that congress particularly in the administration behind ite with the way mall flick can i has governed. >> host: anne, how great is al qaeda's influence in iraq? >> guest: political influence is not great at all. but illt has resurged in rather spectacular fashion about over the last six months. as recently as a year ago al qaeda in iraq was not dead but really not a, not a daily presence. you would see anc bombing here d there. it wasn't something that nouriel malikith worried much about an
triumphant goodness of humanity. my mother was a registered nurse, and my father, who served in the u.s. army dental corp., was also for over 20 years president of the n -- naacp for the state of illinois. he worked actively in the signing of the civil rights act in 1964. in he could see me here today testifying in front of the united states senate, he would be beaming with pride and amazed at how far his daughter had come until he came to understand what brought me here. i appear before you because my son jordan was shot and killed last november while sitting in the backseat of a friend's car listening to loud music. the man who killed him opened fire on four unarmed teenagers, even as they tried to move out of harm's way. that man was em empowered by the stand your ground statute. i'm here to tell you there was no ground to stand. there was no threat. no one was trying to invade his home, his vehicle, nor threatened him or his family. there was a vociferous argument about music during which the accused, michael dunn, did not feel that he was treated with respect. you're not going talk to me
, senator. we have to find that balance between the civil liberties and privacies of a u.s. citizen versus national security interests. that's where we're doing it. i do not have, as a representative of d.n.i., the luxury of going into a social media or publicly available database, pull information out of there and submit it as being the truth. the government has a responsibility and obligation to the citizens to ensure that information is true and accurate before we use it in an adjudicated process. >> i know my time is up. i can tell you obviously when our teenagers go online and get important information on social media and that yet we're not going to use it to find out that someone is involved in something, i think that's -- that's a little hard to believe. we need to take a commonsense approach to this. so my time is up. i also think we need to have random checks on people instead of relying on their own self-reporting. >> senator. thank you. senator heitkamp. >> thank you. i think this is such a critically important response and quick response to this horrible tragedy and i hope that
Search Results 0 to 15 of about 16 (some duplicates have been removed)